LNAT Practice Passage 1: North and South

Read the passage below and answer the four LNAT-style multiple-choice questions. Full answers and explanations follow.

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North and South

Ask three people where ‘the North’ begins and the answers may place the boundary at three different points on the same railway line. Yet we still speak easily of "the North" and "the South", as though England had been ruled into two halves by somebody with a pencil and a map. The expressions are convenient enough; but convenience does not tell us whether the things they name are truly separate. If there is a divide, where exactly is it, and what is supposed to be divided?

If Scotland and England were in question, one could point to a border. No corresponding line tells us where northern England begins. Sheffield may be northern to a Londoner and almost southern to someone from Newcastle; the Midlands are sometimes treated as a buffer, sometimes absorbed into whichever half an argument requires. Does this mean that the North-South divide is imaginary? Hardly. London's output per hour is well above the national average, and differences in income, employment, health and housing can be found between regions. But whom are we describing when we turn those differences into "northerners" and "southerners"? A high average house price does not make a tenant rich; a low regional income does not tell us what the owner of a successful firm earns. The government's 2025 deprivation figures found that 65% of local authority districts contained at least one neighbourhood among England's most deprived tenth, and deprivation is not confined to northern cities: southern coastal districts contain it too. London itself contains neighbourhoods ranked among England's most deprived, despite its high productivity. Prosperous towns and suburbs are hardly absent from the North. For a football supporter, "northern" may be a matter of rivalry more than economics; an estate agent may use it differently again. Nor do the measures necessarily point in one direction. A town may have relatively cheap houses and weak wages, while somewhere else offers better-paid work and rents which take much of the difference back. So when a minister promises to close the North-South divide, what is being promised? To raise productivity, narrow differences in disposable income, lengthen lives, improve transport, keep graduates near the universities at which they studied? These are not the same task. It is possible to improve one and leave another untouched, and it is possible for two neighbouring districts to sit on opposite sides of the same statistic. Regional labels may help us notice a pattern; they cannot tell us, without further inquiry, whether industrial history, transport, education, housing, age or the concentration of particular kinds of work produced it.

The North is friendly, blunt, industrial, cheap and neglected; the South prosperous, crowded, expensive and favoured. Manchester and Middlesbrough differ; so do Brighton and Guildford. Nobody needs to believe every part of this picture for it to have effects. Suppose a graduate in Leeds has repeatedly heard that serious careers begin in London. She may move before finding out what work is available nearby. Suppose an employer in London believes experienced staff will refuse a move to Newcastle. He may put the next job in the South and later point to the larger southern labour market as proof that he was right. Neither decision is commanded by a line on a map. Enough decisions of this kind, however, can alter where jobs and graduates end up. Government can make a comparable mistake from the other direction. Money labelled for "the North" may pass over a deprived town on the south coast; success in one northern city may be taken as evidence about places forty miles away whose industries and population are quite different. None of this requires us to say that regional inequality is unreal. A wealthy household can live in a poor district and the district may still be poor. Once a policy is funded, moreover, the money is not handed to "the North" or "the South"; it goes to councils, roads, colleges, firms and households, some of which fit the familiar picture better than others.

Questions

  1. Question 1

    The writer puts inverted commas around "the North" and "the South" because:

    • Ahe is treating "the North" and "the South" as conventional labels whose meaning the passage is about to examine
    • Bhe wants to emphasise the economic distinctions between the two regions
    • Che is reproducing the terminology used by government when measuring regional inequality
    • Dhe is indicating that neither expression has any genuine geographical meaning
  2. Question 2

    By comparing the North-South divide with the border between Scotland and England, the writer is:

    • Asuggesting that regional economic policy requires an agreed boundary before it can decide which areas should receive support
    • Bchallenging the assumption that the North and South are naturally clear and precisely defined geographical categories
    • Cpointing out that there is no official line marking where northern England begins
    • Darguing that the changing treatment of the Midlands shows that it belongs to neither category in a meaningful geographical sense
  3. Question 3

    The writer uses the example of deprived neighbourhoods in southern coastal districts primarily in order to make the point that:

    • Adeprivation is not confined to northern England
    • Bcoastal towns should be treated as a separate economic region when inequality is measured
    • Cbroad regional patterns can conceal considerable differences among the particular places included within them
    • Dgovernment deprivation statistics undermine the claim that a North-South economic divide exists
  4. Question 4

    Which of the following best describes the relationship the writer draws between regional labels and regional inequality in the third paragraph?

    • ARegional labels mainly record inequalities created by other forces; although they may influence perceptions, they do not materially affect where people or jobs subsequently go.
    • BRegional labels can help to produce the patterns they describe, suggesting that the inequalities associated with the North and South are largely products of those labels themselves.
    • CRegional labels may mislead private decision-makers, whereas public policy becomes more precise once funding is directed to particular councils, roads, firms and households.
    • DRegional labels can simplify genuine inequalities while also influencing decisions which may reinforce some of the patterns they describe.

Answers & explanations

Question 1: show answer and explanation

Correct answer: A.

he is treating "the North" and "the South" as conventional labels whose meaning the passage is about to examine

The opening is concerned with the expressions "the North" and "the South" themselves: what areas they refer to, where one supposedly ends and the other begins, and what kind of division they are meant to describe. The inverted commas therefore mark them as conventional labels which the writer is taking as the subject of examination rather than simply using without comment. Trap: D is tempting because the passage goes on to question the precision of the North-South distinction. But the inverted commas in the opening primarily signal that the labels themselves are being discussed, not that the writer has already rejected what they represent.

  • A The opening is concerned with the expressions "the North" and "the South" themselves: what areas they refer to, where one supposedly ends and the other begins, and what kind of division they are meant to describe. The inverted commas therefore mark them as conventional labels which the writer is taking as the subject of examination rather than simply using without comment.
  • B The inverted commas do emphasise the expressions by making them more noticeable, but the writer is not using them to make an economic point.
  • C Government statistics are discussed later in the passage, but the expressions are not introduced as quotations from official terminology.
  • D The writer questions how precisely the labels can be applied, but he does not claim that they have no geographical meaning at all. Indeed, he later accepts that genuine regional patterns can exist.
Question 2: show answer and explanation

Correct answer: B.

challenging the assumption that the North and South are naturally clear and precisely defined geographical categories

Scotland and England provide a case in which the question "where does one end and the other begin?" has a geographical answer. The absence of an equivalent line for northern and southern England is used to question the assumption that these are naturally fixed categories rather than looser ways of grouping places. Trap: C states something the comparison genuinely shows. B identifies why the writer uses the comparison in the argument.

  • A The writer does not require an agreed boundary for policy; his concern is that broad labels can obscure particular places and problems.
  • B Scotland and England provide a case in which the question "where does one end and the other begin?" has a geographical answer. The absence of an equivalent line for northern and southern England is used to question the assumption that these are naturally fixed categories rather than looser ways of grouping places.
  • C This is entirely true: the comparison does establish that there is no corresponding official boundary. It is nevertheless narrower than the purpose of the comparison. The missing boundary is evidence used in the writer's broader challenge to the apparent precision of the North-South distinction.
  • D The shifting treatment of the Midlands shows looseness in the labels, not that it belongs to neither category.
Question 3: show answer and explanation

Correct answer: C.

broad regional patterns can conceal considerable differences among the particular places included within them

The example helps undermine the assumption that a broad regional description tells us what conditions will be found throughout the region. Deprivation can occur within the supposedly prosperous South just as prosperity can occur within the supposedly poorer North. Trap: A is deliberately strong because it is plainly true about the example. C explains why that example has been introduced into the larger argument.

  • A This is true of the example. Southern coastal deprivation demonstrates directly that deprivation exists outside northern England. But the writer places it alongside prosperous places in the North and differences within regions in order to make a wider point.
  • B Nothing in the passage suggests creating a separate economic category for coastal towns.
  • C The example helps undermine the assumption that a broad regional description tells us what conditions will be found throughout the region. Deprivation can occur within the supposedly prosperous South just as prosperity can occur within the supposedly poorer North.
  • D The writer explicitly rejects the conclusion that these complications make regional inequalities imaginary. The example qualifies how the North-South pattern should be interpreted rather than disproving its existence.
Question 4: show answer and explanation

Correct answer: D.

Regional labels can simplify genuine inequalities while also influencing decisions which may reinforce some of the patterns they describe.

The writer treats the labels as imperfect descriptions of genuine regional differences, but also shows how they can affect decisions. A graduate may move because of expectations about where serious careers are found, while an employer may locate another job in the South because of assumptions about recruitment. Those decisions can then reinforce some of the patterns associated with the labels. Trap: Do not assume that because a label is an incomplete explanation of a pattern it cannot also influence that pattern. The paragraph distinguishes between the forces which originally produce regional inequality and the expectations which may subsequently help to reproduce some of it.

  • A The writer accepts that regional inequalities have causes beyond the labels themselves, but the examples of the Leeds graduate and the London employer show that expectations associated with those labels can also alter behaviour. The paragraph expressly says that enough decisions of this kind can change where jobs and graduates end up.
  • B The paragraph does describe a possible self-reinforcing process, but this option takes it too far. The writer repeatedly insists that regional inequality is real and does not suggest that North-South differences are largely created by stereotypes about them.
  • C The final part of the paragraph says that government can make “a comparable mistake” by acting on broad regional categories. The fact that funding is eventually received by particular councils, firms and households does not make the original regional classification reliable.
  • D The writer treats the labels as imperfect descriptions of genuine regional differences, but also shows how they can affect decisions. A graduate may move because of expectations about where serious careers are found, while an employer may locate another job in the South because of assumptions about recruitment. Those decisions can then reinforce some of the patterns associated with the labels.

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